Page 103 - Azerbaijan State University of Economics
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Fadai Mardanli Mehman, Vildan Zahidkizi Rizayeva:   Do Remittances Compensate for the
                        Labor Market Gaps Created by Emigration?


                    So what are the implications of these findings for policy and research? For policy-
                    makers in high-emigration countries‚ the challenge is to use remittances to create more
                    opportunities at home so that work abroad is a choice‚ not a necessity. These may
                    include  remittance-receiving  entrepreneurship  incentives  (ie  small  business  loans‚
                    matching  investment  programs)‚  place-based  incentives  to  make  the  business
                    environment  more  amenable  to  diaspora  investments‚  training  for  human  capital
                    development‚ encouraging returnees‚ or increasing workplace opportunities for those
                    who stay behind (ie if skills shortages exist) (Guiliano & Ruiz-Arranz‚ 2009). Labor
                    market policies may be warranted where waiting for remittances means individuals
                    exit  the  labor  force.  Part-time  work  programs‚  or  community  development  work
                    schemes widely appealing to remittance-receiving families‚ might help prevent a loss
                    of work culture and the use of worker skills (Guiliano & Ruiz-Arranz‚ 2009).

                    More fine-grained data on labor underemployment and participation would be useful:
                    Nepal is again a case in point that low unemployment is not always a good indicator‚
                    as  it  masked  high  outflows  and  decreasing  participation  rates.  Another  potential
                    avenue  for  further  work  would  be  to  focus  on  the  direct  relationship  between
                    remittances and labor market outcomes‚ at a more disaggregated level. Micro-level
                    applications  (household  surveys)  show  for  instance  that  remittance-receiving
                    households tend to reduce their input into labor-intensive farming (as they can afford
                    not  to)  allowing  for  the  scaling  up  of  findings  in  the  micro-level  domain  to  gain
                    understanding into the national effect on labor use (Azizi‚ 2018).

                    To summarise‚ remittances do not replace the labor that has left a country‚ but they do
                    cushion the labor-migration process‚ and are associated with many positive development
                    factors (including reduced poverty‚ higher standards of living‚ and even macroeconomic
                    stability). However‚ it is often found that there are still gaps in the labor market (missing
                    professions or youth sitting at home‚ waiting for a chance to join those going abroad).
                    Emigration and remittances should create a virtuous cycle‚ whereby migrants return with
                    new skills and savings‚ and invest in and start up businesses in the origin country. The
                    home economy grows and the families of migrants build up their human capital. Even in
                    our countries‚ that cycle is only weakly in motion. Kyrgyzstan‚ Moldova‚ Nepal‚ and
                    Tajikistan have also made progress‚ but none has done so in a manner that even comes
                    close to replacing the labor it has sent abroad.

                    The answer is simple: remittances can only go so far in compensating for labor market
                    failures. They can act as a safety net but cannot substitute for good domestic economic
                    management  and  the  creation  of  decent  jobs  in  the  recipient  country.  However‚
                    countries that experience labor emigration must ultimately provide stable employment




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